互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)

互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

译文:

传统在线资源和政治参与:一份关于互联网是如何改变政治环

境的评估

摘要：

研究一致表明,无论是在线和离线，新闻消费都与人际关系的讨论有积极的联系,包括政治参与。然而,新来源的角色信息可能被不同形式的政治参与考虑的很少。基于对皮尤互联网和美国生活项目的二次分析数据收集,本文对比了传统的信息来源对网络的影响与紧急来源(博客)对进一步政治讨论的预测,活动参与在线和离线域。结果表明,传统渠道网络的使用是积极相关的不同类型的政治参与,在线和离线。最有趣的是,这篇文章发现使用博客成为一个同样重要的在线预测政治参与领域。分析提供支持论点即维护互联网的民主潜力。

关键词: 博客 互联网 政治参与 政治 引言：

计算机中介通信的进步(CMC)继续滋长在社会科学和人文科学技术和社会变革的过程中的不断增加的争论,并增加社会互动的影响,技术的使用以及社区生活。

这样的争论已经被定义为乌托邦与反乌托邦双方间的较量,体现在互联网和它的一些应用程序尤其严重。

尽管最初担忧某些通信技术的可能性会增加社会隔离,因此，卡斯特(2001)指出,大部分的争论发生在互联网使用的早期阶段之前的广泛扩散技术,因此大多数的谣言没有以量的经验证据为基础。

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互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

根据许多证据显示,互联网使用必须加强对寻求信息和对社交能力的影响。最近的发现证实,某些网络的使用增加了公民参与和信任度,提高了志愿服务,增强了个人交互,并增加新闻消费。更有趣的是,似乎预示着信息革命和大量的信息通过并不仅仅基于传统在线新闻来源的迁移。通过一个相互联系的观点的出现时,也会出现个人日记,空间或博客,。始于1990年代中期,但真正获得了世纪之交后的牵引。

截至2004年,皮尤网络与美国生活项目估计,800万美国人创建了博客,3200万人阅读了博客(在不到一年的时间里增长了58%)。到2008年底,Technorati,一个博客搜索引擎,跟踪了全球1.33亿个博客,每天总计9000亿的帖子。

初步研究这个话题，特权博客形式的自我表达和自我表现。然而,博客越来越被描绘成社区论坛,政治机构在一个给定的政治网站和作为一个互动空间。

本研究旨在通过检查为现存的文献的评估博客的整体潜力作为前期的政治参与。本文提出,由于网络结构的功能是组成一个新的社会形态,修改关系,经济生产和政治力量,促进横向沟通,每个人都有可能参与公共领域,博客可能会影响民主进程。因此,博客本身可能作为一种替代的信息来源和政治行动组织,导致增加的政治参与。

尽管不是所有博客用户都会访问政治博客,而只有3%的博客文章在任何给定的时间可以划分为政治博客。博客的密集的互连,通常被称为博客圈,构成了公共空间的讨论，以及社交网络可以重塑或扩大信息可用性以及参与政治的动机。

鉴于这一点,本文的目的是评估博客使用在线博客和离线博客对政治参与的影响。依靠全国性调查收集的数据---2004年皮尤互联网和美国生活项目,我们对博客的影响进行了实证模型，并对网上政治讨论和网上活动,以及其他形式的参与做了解释,不管是在线或者离线。

博客

虽然博客没有公认的定义(汤普森,2003年),最初将他们定义为在线

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互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

互动杂志,促进用户之间的信息交换,或“博客”。通常主题倒序排列和博客信息动态更新的负责人,或通过其他人参与(博士伦,2003)。因此,博客可以作为个人日记、技术讨论、体育评论,名人八卦网站或政治讨论,等等(法瑞尔,2004)。博客和博客读者的内容不一定是由第三方编辑评论,通常指意见、经验、事实和问题(科尔曼,2004)。尽管缺乏正式的编辑,博客发布或修正帖子已被认为比任何其他在线媒体或传统新闻媒体容易的多(布鲁,2003),特别是当一个人管理这个博客时。

博客的另一个独特的特征是他们将链接到其他博客、网页、论坛等,以这样一个方式,博客成为相互联系和相互依存的,其中一些成为焦点中间的人,是相关度最高的(依兰,2005;科尔曼,2005;法雷尔,2004年,约翰逊和凯,2004;辛格,2005;汤普森,2003)。链接对博客的概念是如此的重要,以至于有些人将此作为博客的定义特征(贝克和,2006;汤普森,2006)。但这绝不是一个博客的奇异特性;例如,网页和聊天室也有超链接。

在这篇文章中,博客被认为是围绕中心话题互动的、并在异步的网页主机上传帖子。这个话题不需要新闻,或书面的标准以及传统媒体的实践经历(平衡观点,基于事实的报告等)。虽然并不是所有的博客都允许评论,博客读者通常认为能够通过编写评论回应博客帖子以及其他读者评论(虽然这个假设是有问题的,更多的需要注册的博客发表评论,或者完全不允许他们评论)。

因为大多数博客是未经编辑的,文章排序从无关紧要到严肃;事实上都行(布鲁,2005)。该特性通过让每个人都有机会参与和表达他们的意见来增加博客的访问量,并且没有知识或政治的限制。此外,相较于一个典型的网站(法雷尔,2004;记者无国界,2005),它已成为非常便宜和易于创建以及维护的一个博客(法雷尔,2004;詹森,2003)。同样,所有这些特征(包括减少手续,增加了自由和易用性)使博客成为突发新闻网站,并且超过了在线新闻媒体和广播媒体(布鲁,2003;汤普森,2003)。

关于博客的研究一直主要集中在解释它们是什么(依兰,2005;科尔

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互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

曼,2005）;他们的历史(布鲁,2003）;他们的主要活动(布鲁,2005);如何可以访问,通航,和他们是多么容易(特拉梅尔,2006 );如何分类;和使用它们的动机(鲱鱼,2006;特拉梅尔,2006)。

在2004年的总统选举,政治运动考验了博客,以巩固他们的政治基础;事实上,博客成为政客与公民的常用工具（柯克,2005),以此来争取年轻选民(特拉梅尔,2007)。这一趋势的最有趣的一个例子是美国霍华德·迪恩的博客，它是用来协调竞选活动的(布鲁,2005)。初步研究显示用博客竞选是高水平的运动,控制的内容几乎没有异议．与挑战者采取更多的负面基调往往专注于先前的帖子,和倾向于保持用户在博客上的界限,主要是通过使用内部超链接(特拉梅尔,2006 )。更具体地说,学者研究博客显示,它们主要用于表达和观察社会和政治信息(约翰逊,2006）。然而,尽管这些人尝试看特定的政治博客,很少有研究调查博客使用在政治领域系统的一般影响。

例如,尽管Eveland和Dylko努力并试图建立一个博客使用与政治参与之间的关系,他们没有发现显著的结果——一个结果,早期阶段，这些作者的的博客使用扩散。 互联网的使用和政治参与

反驳反乌托邦观点的新技术,许多研究发现互联网的信息使用与社会资本之间的关系,政治参与,和公民参与(詹宁斯,2003)。提供的证据表明,在线互动可以补充人际关系,导致增加自愿协会会员和政治参与。德国人及其同事回顾他的早期研究,声称互联网使用的负面影响已经“消失”。相反,他们发现“积极利用互联网对通信的影响,社会参与,会越来越好”。

虽然有些担心,新闻在网络环境中可能导致社会分裂和位移的社区问题,人们查看网络环境的空间政治关系重新启动,特别是对于年轻人。研究表明,在线新闻使用是补充而不是取代传统新闻消费(奥尔,2000)。事实上,网上查询有关积极组成员,社区参与和政治活动(夸克和布朗,2006)。同样,网上信息搜索与在线互动公民传递一直在增加,最终导

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互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

致更高水平的公民参与(莎拉,2005)。

新媒体与社会，2009年第11卷(4)

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互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

原文:

Weblogs, traditional sources online and political participation: an assessment of how the internet is changing the political

environment

HOMERO GIL DE Zú?IGA，EULàLIA PUIG-I-ABRIL，HERNANDO ROJAS

Abstract

Research has shown consistently that news consumption both online and offline is related positively to interpersonal discussion, political involvement and political engagement. However, little consideration has been given to the role that new sources of information may exert on different forms of political engagement. Based on secondary analysis of data collected by the Pew Internet & American Life Project, this article contrasts the influence of traditional sources of information online with that of emergent sources (blogs) in predicting further political discussion, campaigning and participation in both the online and the offline domains. The results show that the use of traditional sources online is related positively to different types of political engagement, both online and offline. Most interestingly, the article finds that blog use emerges as an equally important predictor of political engagement in the online domain. Its analyses provide support for the contention that asserts the democratic potential of the internet.

Key words：blogs ? internet ? political participation ? politics

INTRODUCTION

Advances in computer mediated communication (CMC) continue to feed

a burgeoning debate within the social sciences and the humanities over the process of technological and social change, and the implications that technology use has for social interaction as well as for community life overall.

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互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

This debate has been characterized in terms of utopian versus dystopian views of CMC, and has been particularly acute for the internet and some of its applications (see for example Graber et al., 2004; Katz and Rice, 2002). Despite initial concerns with the possibility that certain communication technologies would actually increase social isolation, as Castells (2001) points out, most of this debate took place in the early stages of internet use before widespread diffusion of the technology, and therefore most claims were not based on a substantial body of empirical evidence.

As empirical evidence accumulates, the internet is shown to have to had reinforcing effects on information-seeking and sociability. Recent findings confirm that certain web uses contribute to civic engagement and trust (Shah et al., 2005), increased volunteerism (Jennings and Zeitner, 2003), enhanced personal interactions (Hampton and Wellman, 2003), and increased news consumption (Althaus and Tewksbury, 2000). More interestingly, it appears that the much heralded information revolution and the abundance of information facilitated by CMC (Bimber, 2003; Rheingold, 2002) is not based solely on the migration of traditional news sources online. It also occurs via the emergence of an interconnected opinion space of personal journals, or weblogs (blogs), which started in the mid-1990s but really gained traction after the turn of the century.

By 2004, the Pew Internet & American Life Project (see Rainie, 2005) estimated that 8 million Americans had created blogs, and that 32 million Americans read blogs (a 58% increase in less than a year). By the end of 2008, Technorati (www.technorati.com), a blog search engine, tracked 133 million blogs worldwide, totaling 900,000 million posts daily.

Initial research on this topic has privileged blogs as forms of self-expression and self-presentation (Herring et al., 2004; Trammell and Keshelashvili, 2005); however, blogs are portrayed increasingly as

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互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

community forums (Nardi et al., 2004), political outlets (Kerbel and Bloom, 2005; Sweetser and Kaid, 2008; Trammell et al., 2006b) and as an interactive space within a given political website (Meraz, 2007).

This study seeks to contribute to the extant literature by examining the overall potential of blog use as an antecedent of political participation. This article proposes that due to the capability of networked structures to compose a new morphology of society, modifying relationships, economic production and political power (see Castells, 2001), facilitating horizontal communication where everyone potentially can participate in the public sphere (Castells, 2007), blogs may influence the democratic process. Thereby, blogs may constitute themselves as an alternative source of information and political action organization, resulting in increased political engagement. Despite the fact that not all blog users visit political blogs (27% during 2008, according to Pew Research Centre for the People and the Press, 2008), and that only 3 percent of blog posts at any given time can be classified as political ( see Blogpulse: http://www.blogpulse.com/index.html ), the dense interconnection of blogs, commonly referred to as the blogosphere (Quick, 2002), constitutes a public space of discussion and social networking which can reshape or expand information availability (Tremayne, 2007) as well as the motivation to engage in politics (Dahlgren, 2005).

In light of this, it is the goal of this article to assess the impact of blog use on both online and offline political participation. Relying on national survey data collected by the Pew Internet & American Life Project in 2004 (www.pewinternet.org), we model empirically the impact of blog use in explaining online political discussion and online campaigning, as well as other forms of participation, both online and offline.

BLOGS

Although there is no agreed-upon definition of blogs (Thompson, 2003),

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互联网对舆论和政治的影响外文翻译文献

initial definitions have referred to them as online interactive journals that facilitate information exchange between users, or ‘bloggers’. Usually topics are arranged in reverse chronological order and information is updated dynamically by the person in charge of the blog, or by others who participate in it (Bausch et al., 2002; Weil, 2003). Thus, blogs can function as personal diaries, technical discussion, sports commentary, celebrity gossip or political discussion sites, etc. (Drezner and Farrell, 2004). The content of both blog postings and blog readers’ comments is not necessarily edited by third parties, and usually refers to opinions, experiences, facts and questions (Coleman, 2004). Despite this lack of formal editing, it has been argued that it is easier for bloggers to post corrections or correct postings than for any other online or traditional news outlet (Bloom, 2003), particularly if one person is in charge of the blog.

Another distinctive feature of blogs is the fact that they incorporate links to other blogs, webpages, forums, etc., in such a way that blogs become interconnected and interdependent, with some of them becoming central in terms of those to which others are the most linked (Bar-Ilan, 2005; Coleman, 2004; Drezner and Farrell, 2004; Johnson and Kaye, 2004; Singer, 2005; Thompson, 2003). Links are so important to the notion of blogging that some call this their defining characteristic (Baker and Stromer-Galley, 2006; Thompson, 2003). Yet this is by no means a singular characteristic of blogs; for example, webpages and chatrooms also have hyperlinks.

In this article, blogs are considered to be interactive, non-synchronous webpages whose host uploads postings that center around a topic. The topic need not be news, or written following the standards and practices of traditional media (balance in viewpoints, fact-based reporting, etc.). Although not all blogs allow for comments on the postings, blog readers typically are assumed to be able to respond by writing comments to bloggers’ postings as

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